==============================
No! It is not over! (By Salai Min Eli)
==============================
[SOURCE]
No! It is not over!
This is not how it's going to end
I will do something that I can
No! We've tasted it before
We will not soak with this again
Let's stand up and grip our hand
No! I will not sleep
Many are dying while I am asleep
=================================
Until the end (By Salai Min Eli)
=================================
[SOURCE]
Live free or die trying
Our blood is thicker than the eradicator
Freedom fighters around the world
Live free or die trying from now
No! It is not over (By Salai Min Eli)
07 October 2007 Labels: Poem
STATEMENT OF PROTEST TO THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Labels: StatementsOctober 7, 2007
His Excellency Hu Jintao
The President of the People's Republic of China
Your Excellency
We the Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma, formed with the
concerned Burmese citizens residing Thailand who are totally against
unlawful and brutal ruling of the SPDC government of Burma (Myanmar),
would like to demand the government of China not to interfere our
nation's internal affairs by providing various forms of assistance
including selling arms and ammunition, doing business with the regime,
providing diplomatic support by using veto to protect the regime from
United Nations Security Council's action.
We have already aware that China has substantial economic interests in
the country, provides large amounts of economic aid, and invests
heavily in infrastructure projects there. Additionally, your
government provides extensive logistical support to Burma's military
government. The Burmese junta depends on Chinese investment, imports
and armaments. All this make China uniquely placed to influence the
Burmese regime. What is happening on the streets of Rangoon will shape
not just the fate of the people of Burma, but the future of China's
relationship with the world.
We have also noted that China's Permanent Representative to the United
Nations Wang Guangya stated in recent UNSC meeting on Burma that the
current situation in Myanmar does not pose any threat to international
or regional peace and security. However, we would like to reveal the
reality that only in Thailand we have over 2 millions of migrants,
among whom are refugees and Internally Displaced Persons who have to
leave their homeland because of the brutal suppression of SPDC regime.
We also hope that many more influx of refugees will be here soon
following the recent brutal crackdown of the peaceful protest of the
people. This mass exodus does impact the peace and security of
neighboring Thailand.
Your government always justifies that the problems in Burma are mere
internal affairs and international intervention will destroy peace,
stability and unity of our country. Nevertheless, the genuine desire
of the people of Burma is to invite the international community to
involve as a 'mediators' in our democratizing process. If your
government honestly believe in non intervention of our internal
affairs, please don't associate with neither SPDC nor any other
parties whatsoever. And please abstain from voting at the United
Nations Security Council meetings. Because we the people of Burma
believe that involving in our country's politics without our consents
is the intervening our internal affairs.
We honestly believe that you will take our advice and reconsider your
government's policy on Burma
Yours Sincerely,
Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma
The Wind of Change -- From Burma to Vietnam
Labels: VideosThis wonderful video was done by Vietnamese bloggers, who are also fighting for freedom like us, in support for Burmese people.
Words and wishes for Burma
06 October 2007 Labels: EssaysThe recent crack down on peaceful demonstrations in Burma was in International limelight and the whole world now realized the brutal crimes committed by repressive regimes of Burma. Headlines from International Media proved the junta showed off their absolute power of license to kill over its own people with no hesitation. Shameless remarks made by Foreign Minister, Nyan Win, at UN General Assembly reflected the endless cover up of unlawful behaviors by Burmese regimes. State media has been continuously using the means of propaganda to try to influence Burmese people and keeps stating that the crack down was necessary to restore law and order in Burma. However, hundreds of thousands of people in Burma no longer have any confidence or trust over the unashamed acts of Burmese authorities. That might be the bitter pills junta had to swallow and the reaction illustrated they are not tolerating any action to bring their power down.
So be in an elite group of pro-government or pro-democracy majority group. Everyone in Burma is living in fear. The majority live in fear in the country of injustice where their lives are threatening regardless of they are on the road or praying at home. Pro-government groups fear of the day to give up their power and that drives into corner to commit more and more crimes. Gangs of Burma backed by junta are permitted to bribe monasteries and families of pro-democracy protestors. It is unsurprisingly to learn that inhumane junta is ready to torture or kill anyone who is against them. They are afraid of being ousted. They are scared. They are worried. They are anxious. They are frightened. The more the fear, the more violence comes towards over those whom they think is a threat to them. Armed briberies are happening daily even in Yangon (formerly known as Rangoon), capital of Burma, since the crack down of monks led peaceful protests triggered by fuel hike.
Though US and EU proactively take the responsibility to push UN Security Council to construct proper action in Burma, it is sad to know China and Russia, permanent members of UNSC, are always geared up to use veto to rule out any action. Is it ethical to neglect the people of Burma longing for democratic reforms and thrust for human rights? Is it the rightful act of civilized countries ignoring the dying people of Burma by simply expressing it is just an internal affair? Even ASEAN had voiced out the impact of current affair in Burma would destabilize the region. Authorities in China should open their eyes to witness the bloody hands by the killers of Burma. India, being a democratic country, must stop giving blank face and deaf ear over International pressure over cruelty in Burma. Russia being one of the major allies of Burmese junta should realize their image of creditability in the International community is affected by the shadow of killers in Burma.
Some political analysts mentioned China and India, the neighboring countries of Burma, could influence the national reconciliation of Burma by pushing the junta for the dialogue. It is unlikely junta would listen these two political giants since these countries are begging for gas from Burmese junta. It is a sham that they will not think twice for the Burmese people. Instead, they would only think for their hunger of gas from Burma. Ever since the return of UN Envoy, Mr. Gambari, the junta made dishonest announcement portraying to be a sincere offer to convene with the detained opposition leader, Nobel Laureate Aung San Su Kyi. It is such an unrealistic conditional offer or order to commit someone who has never convicted. It is also doubtful as the junta at all times shows no mercy over opposition.
The world is watching over what will happen next. No matter what, Burmese people outside of country are still hoping for the day to go back democratic Burma. And those inside the country are longing for the Independence Day when the democratic government elected by Burmese could practice justice and turn their lives on from the darkness made by the evil junta.
If I were granted a birthday wish for tomorrow, 7th Oct, I would not hesitate to ask for God.
May the dream of people of Burma come true soon!
Ongoing Battle for Burma’s freedom
Labels: StatementsBy Burmese Bloggers without Borders
http://bbwob.blogspot.com/
Recently, everything seems rather quiet in Burma. Observers are even beginning to wonder whether things have come to a standstill after the military regime has brutally suppressed the protests in a similar way to 1988 movement. After the military regime took over power in 1988, the junta gave false hopes to the people by organizing elections and acted as if they would hand-over the power to the winning party. However, current situation differs in a way that the people will no longer be deceived by the junta in the same way.
Some explanations can be given as to why monks are leading the protests. During the democracy movements in 1988 and 1996, the university students led the protests. However, as time passed by, the national spirit of new generation of students has been systematically suppressed under General Khin Nyunt's (chairman of the Burma Education Committee) organized projects. Many universities and colleges were built in far-flung places of different cities and the hostels were closed down for the sole purpose of dispersing the students. In universities, students were even required to wear school uniforms, as if in high school, and break times had to be strictly adhered to. As a result, the political awareness within the students diminished, especially for the students who were not from the major cities. On top of not being given a chance to seek knowledge from various external sources, the students also had to contend with inadequate teaching facilities as well as obsolete educational syllabus. Hence, the educational standard in Burma merely dwindled away as years went by and this new generation of students currently seems to lack the leadership skills to inspire the movement.
With regards to leadership of the monks in the protests, the monks have always played an important role in Burma’s historical movements. There are mainly three societies who have power in Burma:- Religion, Students and Soldiers. At this point, soldiers are weapons of military regime, and the monks have to take a bigger role in leading the movement due to the weakened students' impact. Monks are the religious personnel who are highly revered by every Burmese. As such, people had never imagined that the peaceful protest of monks would be brutally cracked down by the junta like this.
In stark contrast to people’s expectations, when the junta accused the monks of being bogus monks and took extremely brutal actions to suppress them, the future of Burma became rather frightening. In a country, where natural resources as well as the spirit of the people are being stripped off slowly, the people have been managing to hang in there simply because of the teachings of Buddha. Only the pagodas and amicable sense of Buddhism have remained as part of Burma to be shown to the outside world. Based on the events from 1988 movement, it can be ascertained that the military regime will do whatever they can to hold on to their power. If the movement were to fail again this time, Burma may even end up losing the essence of Buddhism and may just end up under the complete dominance of the junta. As such, the minority groups in Burma will be thrown into even more difficult time. If we have to wait for ten to twenty years more for any significant change to take place in Burma, the whole country may end up in ruins. Time is crucial for Burma’s freedom.
In the words of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon commenting on the visit: "You cannot call it a success." Intervention by international community may also not have much impact in undermining the military junta’s power over Burma. After all, China, Russia, US and UK seem to be competing against each other for power struggle. Since UN still may not have any concrete plan on how to handle Burma’s situation, it is important for us to note that we will have to be prepared to depend on ourselves to work towards Burma’s freedom.
It is pretty clear that in order for any change to occur in Burma, there must be movement both from within and outside of Burma. In fact, this is no longer merely about Burma. The whole world is watching to see whether a democracy can be successfully attained under the control of iron-fisted and ruthless junta. Therefore, it has become a momentous time not only for the history of Burma but also for the history of the world.
Thus, we would like to get your kind attention to the following:
People inside Burma
Keep it up! International Communities are supporting you all. Keep fighting for peaceful protest.
Political and Ethnic Organizations inside and outside Burma
Unite and make clear strategic decisions in order to remove the military regime.
Academic on Burma
Focus upon real civilians' perspective and understanding. Use your expertise and contribute better suggestions for the liberation of Burma
United Nations, International Organizations and Governments
Please act effectively and productively to put pressure on the military regime to stop repressions, and to make dialogue with opposition groups.
Dissident Groups and World Communities
Stay in touch with news updates, provide donations and get involved in Burma campaigns with your respective organizations.
Every minute and every second of your participations and movements will make a better life inside Burma especially for monks and people who have been under the threat of military regime.
Let us get involved in World's Campaign for free Burma on October 6, 2007.
The Plight of Myanmar’s People: Challenges and Responsibilities for the International Community
05 October 2007 Labels: ArticlesBy Christopher B. Roberts
Research Associate - S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS)
On the auspicious day of 8.8.88, tens of thousands of students in Myanmar led nationwide protests against an oppressive dictatorship that had needlessly driven their resource-rich country to the brink of bankruptcy. Despite decades of repressed frustration, the final spark to trigger the protests occurred when many Burmese lost their savings following an unfounded decision to demonetise the majority of banknotes. Nearly two decades later, the Myanmar government, alternatively known as the State Peace and Development Committee (SPDC), was similarly erratic and arbitrary in an August announcement to increase subsidised fuel prices from US$1.18 to US$1.96 per gallon where the price of fuel had been as little as 14 cents just two years prior. As far as the people were concerned – and reminiscent of the protests in 1988 – the hike in fuel prices was simply the final straw. Nonetheless, a key difference on this occasion is that the deeply worshiped Buddhist monks (Sangha) spearheaded the protests and, in representing the needs of the people, they have made three modest requests: to ease the living conditions of Burmese people, to release all political prisoners, and to undertake meaningful dialogue for national reconciliation.
The Junta’s Response to the Protests
While the size and immediacy of the protests may have caught the regime off-guard, the 26 September military crackdown appears to have been relatively well planned, pervasive, and insidious. Rather than simply being surprised, as suggested in some media reports, the junta likely needed several days of preparation while it waited for reinforcements to arrive in Yangon and Mandalay. This took time as despite having one of the largest armed forces in the region – with more than 350,000 personnel – a significant proportion of these are stationed in the border areas close to several insurgency movements. On the morning of the crackdown, the government declared Yangon a ‘restricted area’, banned public gatherings of more than five people, and implemented a 9 pm to 5am curfew in both Yangon and Mandalay. Given the unprecedented frequency of news and photography escaping to the outside world, the SPDC then sought to shut the channels of communication by blocking the internet and phone lines and by searching vehicles and people for cameras and recording devices throughout the many checkpoints encircling the city.
Despite the peaceful nature of the protests, the SPDC security forces soon resorted to violence including the killing of monks and protestors along with the death of a Japanese photojournalist. Vivid images of the dead and dying escaped to world’s media and international leaders responded with revulsion. Despite all the government’s planning, the bottom line was that most of its military have very little education or professional training, and those based in the borderlands are accustomed to frequently carrying out human rights violations against ethnic minority groups. Further, military commanders have previously provided their troops with doses of methamphetamine to increase their level of aggressiveness and according to one source, similar tactics were reportedly adopted during the crackdown in Yangon. In the absence of a drug-induced rage, it is difficult to imagine how such violent acts against the peaceful Sangha could have been committed in such a deeply religious society.
Aside from the many acts of unchecked brutality displayed in the media, on the whole the response of the security forces appears to have proceeded according to plan. Thus, the ominous work of the security forces continued during the dead of night with reported raids of six monasteries and the arrest of hundreds of monks. The next day, the effectiveness of the operation was evident when only a few dozen monks were seen participating in protests compared to tens of thousands on previous days. The raids of monasteries and arrests of media and protests continued each night and by the following Tuesday (2 October) there were reports suggesting that up to 4,000 monks had been detained while a further 1,000 were missing; a report by the BBC even suggested that that the missing monks had been murdered. In spite of such draconian measures, the overwhelming mass of security forces, and the absence of the Sangha’s leadership, the people of Myanmar maintained their public protests against the government through to the weekend. Their continued resolve to stand against such an oppressive and powerful force is not only indicative of a sense of rage regarding the violence committed against the Sangha, but also represents a deep-grounded feeling that the people of Myanmar can no longer remain in the shadows of humanity
Myanmar’s Strategic Allies: Keeping the Regime Alive?
In 2008, it will be fifty years since the military first ruled Myanmar, only eleven years after the country acquired independence from the British. Throughout the following half century of international isolation, the junta managed to survive through totalitarian rule, the squandering of natural resources and (more recently) vital economic and military alliances. Myanmar’s three principle export partners are Thailand (44.9%), India (11.5%) and China (6.9%). Largely because of their recent purchases of commodities, such as natural gas, the junta has been able to claim economic growth rates as high as 12.2% during the past few years. Nonetheless, the government’s actions demonstrate that it is primarily interested in applying these sources of income towards the continued development of its security and civil service sectors. Consequently, both the health and education sectors have continued to collapse and, with a GDP per capita of less than US$100, various ethnic minority groups such as the Wa, Shan and Kokang are among the poorest people in the world.
Meanwhile, in recent decades several countries have been responsible for ensuring the continued survival of Myanmar’s military. Since 1988, China has provided more than US$1 billion in weapons and ammunition at concessionary prices while Russia has supplied a squadron of advanced MIG-29 fighters and, in May 2007, finalised an agreement to supply Myanmar with a nuclear reactor. India similarly snubbed a US arms embargo with a January 2007 promise of weapons and military equipment while countries such as China have also assisted in the construction of local factories designed to manufacture items such as ‘small-calibre weapons and ordnance’ and anti-personnel landmines. Given recent events, while there may exist some humanitarian grounds to justify economic engagement and political dialogue, it is argued that there no longer exist any morally acceptable grounds to justify the supply of military equipment, assistance and/or aid to the SPDC.
The Way Forward?
While thousands of Myanmarese have demonstrated that they are willing to make the ultimate sacrifice for the betterment of their country, in the absence of adequate support from the international community these sacrifices may not be enough. There are two options available to the international community that have the possibility of successfully forcing the SPDC to relinquish its power in the future. The first option would be for all of Myanmar’s key trading partners (e.g. Thailand and India) to threaten or (should that fail) implement, a total trade embargo against the regime. Whilst previously in favour of selective engagement under limited sanctions, recent events have demonstrated a lack of intention to carry through with promises to enter into constructive and meaningful dialogue with its opponents – whether domestic or foreign.
The second option, which could be carried out in conjunction with the first, would involve ASEAN and the international community applying ‘real’ pressure on China to implement an arms embargo. Should China fail to act responsibility then it may be necessary for organisations such as the European Union to follow through with their threat of boycotting the 1998 Beijing Olympics. Meanwhile, an end to a total arms and trade embargo would be conditional upon an agreement by the SPDC to a ‘face-saving’ package along the lines of an accelerated and binding version of their ‘roadmap to democracy’. Such a package would necessarily involve a commitment to elections within twelve months, agreement to a UN presence to oversee the elections, and a massive aid package to facilitate political change and prevent any humanitarian crisis. Admittedly, the probability of getting all of the allies of the SPDC to act in the interests of the Myanmar people remains low. Nevertheless, anything short of a determined and completely unified international position will likely fail to pressure the SPDC generals to relinquish their power.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)